Question: How does a particular site or object become 'Australian'?

20 Dec 2023,11:52 AM

 

How does a particular site or object become 'Australian'? Develop a digital timeline of the Indigenous, colonial and national stories associated with the object or site. Timeline can incorporate different multimedia (images, audio, video files) but should include 500 words in textual annotations about significant events/moments (e.g. 5 significant moments listed on the timeline with a 100-word annotation each).
Note: For this assignment, you should include at least 3 academic sources (e.g. journal articles, book chapters) and 2 primary sources (historical documents) as references.
Objective(s): a, b and c

 

EXAMPLES

Example 1

The Southern Cross

Document Link:

 https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1-vkqsQaiG5hkShSG804zZFR8CAitI_G9QpJGF1rNYfA/edit#gid=0

 

Timeline Link: https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1-vkqsQaiG5hkShSG804zZFR8CAitI_G9QpJGF1rNYfA&font=Default&lang=en&initial_zoom=2&height=650

 

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The Southern Cross and Australia: A Deep History

Background Image: Stargazing (Ngak 2020)

 

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60,000BC: Indigenous Cosmology and Skyworld

 

Like many Indigenous cultures globally, Aboriginal Australians have a deep knowledge and relationship with the night sky. Not only does this include the use of cosmology for navigation, time-keeping, and resource management but also a rich tradition of ceremony and cultural belief systems (Hamacher 2014).

 

Among Indigenous Australian cultures, a belief in the Skyworld (an Aboriginal concept of the heavens) is widely shared. While many of the intricate details of Skyworld vary across First Nation's Peoples, there is a consistent acknowledgment of its influence and connection with their own environment (Clarke 2015a). Indeed, such a strong knowledge of cosmology was acknowledged by early missionaries, with one newspaper in 1904 discussing “the intuitive perception of aboriginals, whose traditions of the sky are not the least remarkable features of their native knowledge of the ways of nature,” (Anon 1904).

 

Image: Collaborative painting from Aboriginal Yamaji Artists from Western Australia (Yamaji Artists 2014)

 

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60,000BC: Skyworld and the Southern Cross

 

Across Indigenous interpretations of Skyworld, explanations of the Southern Cross vary considerably (Clarke 2014). Studies of the Ualarai people of central northern New South Wales at the turn of the 20^th Century for example, record the constellation as “the first Minggah, or spirit tree .. the translation of the first man who died on earth to the sky” (Parker 1905, p. 123).  In Central Australia, Anmatyerr speaking people called it “Irrety Ingka”, meaning “eaglehawk’s foot” (Clarke 2015b, p. 2225). Indigenous peoples in Western Victoria however, saw the Southern Cross as the spears of hunters stuck in a tree, after killing the great Emu in the sky (Clarke 2014, p. 321). In all cases, the intertwined relationship between the celestial bodies, the earth, and people themselves is evident.

 

Image: Milky Way Star Map (Yidumduma Harney 2018)

 

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1823: The National Colonial Flag

 

From an international perspective, the Southern Cross is a constellation that can only be seen from the southern hemisphere and is thus often regarded as a reminder of Australia’s unique geography (The Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet). In colonial history, The National Colonial Flag is the first recorded attempt to create a unique national flag for Australia, and is also claimed as the first use of the Southern Cross on a flag. It was designed by Captain John Bingle and Captain John Nicholson, and is inspired by the White Ensign of the Royal Navy (The Australian National Flag Association).

 

Image: Australian Colonial Flag (Martyman 2013)

 

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30 November 1854 – 3 December 1854: Eureka Rebellion

 

On this day, miners from the Victorian town of Ballarat began their rebellion against the colonial government’s harsh administration of the goldfields. Standing on Bakery Hill, they swore allegiance to the Southern Cross flag, building a stockade at the nearby Eureka diggings (National Museum of Australia). This flag became known as the Eureka Flag, and used the Southern Cross not just as a symbol of allegiance to Australia, but also of freedom against colonial authority.

 

Firsthand accounts highlight the Southern Cross is an incredibly central symbol of this historic rebellion. This is most clearly demonstrated by the Eureka Oath in which Peter Lalor, the commander in chief, led his fellow rebels in stating “We swear by the Southern Cross to stand truly by each other, and fight to defend our rights and liberties” (Raffaello 1854, p. 57).

 

Thus the flag and the Southern Cross have become wider historical symbols of the Australian struggle for democracy and national identity. This connotation has remained to this day, with trade unions continuing to use the Southern Cross in their battles for improved labour conditions (National Museum of Australia).

 

Image: Swearing allegiance to the “Southern Cross”’ 1854 (Doudiet 1854)

 

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3 September 1901 – 14 February 1954: Australian National Flag

 

The first appearance of the contemporary Australian National Flag can be traced back to September 3^rd 1901 when the judges appointed to consider designs submitted to the 1901 flag competition, unanimously agreed on a design to re-commend for approval by the Imperial Government. ('THE AUSTRALIAN FLAG' 1901). Several small alterations were made to this design in the following years, namely to the number of points on the flags stars (Kwan 2006, p. 43). The Flags Act 1953 legally enshrined this flag as the official Australian National Flag, with Prime Minister Robert Menzies stating that the Act “set out legislatively something that represents common practice and a common view in our country” (Menzies 1953). 

 

Image: Official Australian National Flags (Johnston 1953)

 

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11 December 2005 – 12 December 2005: The Cronulla Riots and Australian Nationalism

 

In Australia’s contemporary history, links between some contextual uses of the Australian flag and the Southern Cross have come to be associated with exclusionary nationalism (Fozdar, Spittles & Hartley 2015). The Cronulla Riots of 2005 are the most poignant example of this, where the Southern Cross in the form of symbols and tattoos were an embodiment of a protest masculinity centred around defending the authentically ‘Australian’ (Johns 2017). Indigenous filmmaker Warwick Thornton caused national controversy when he expressed his concern in 2010 that he didn’t want to see the “Southern Cross [turn] into a swastika” (Darwin 2010). While Australian hip-hop artist Omar Musa in an interview with Thornton said, “I see the Southern Cross as a symbol that is dangerous for people like me, however I’m defined.” (Potts 2018).

 

Video: Cronulla Riots: The Day That Shocked The Nation – Trailer (Northern Pictures 2015)

 

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2020: A Deep History

 

Australia’s deep history with the Southern Cross continues to evolve, in a complex and ever changing relationship.

 

Video: We Don't Need a Map – Opening Night Trailer (Sydney Film Festival 2017)

 

References

Anon 1904, 'Weather Forecasts', Brisbane Courier (Qld. : 1864 - 1933), 24 September 1904, p. 4.

'THE AUSTRALIAN FLAG' 1901, Argus (Melbourne, Vic. : 1848 - 1957), 04 September 1901, p. 9.

Clarke, P.A. 2014, 'The Aboriginal Australian cosmic landscape. Part 1: The ethnobotany of the skyworld', Journal of Astronomical History and Heritage, vol. 17, no. 3, pp. 307-25.

Clarke, P.A. 2015a, 'The Aboriginal Australian cosmic landscape, Part 2: Plant connections with the skyworld', Journal of Astronomical History and Heritage, vol. 18, no. 1, pp. 23-37.

Clarke, P.A. 2015b, 'Australian Aboriginal astronomy and cosmology', Handbook of Archaeoastronomy and Ethnoastronomy. New York, Springer, pp. 2223-30.

Darwin 2010, 'Filmmaker fears Southern Cross becoming a swastika', The Sydney Morning Herald, 21 January, viewed 10 April, <https://www.smh.com.au/national/filmmaker-fears-southern-cross-becoming-a-swastika-20100120-mlo4.html>.

Doudiet, C.A. 1854, Swearing allegiance to the “Southern Cross”, Ballarat Fine Art Gallery, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.nma.gov.au/exhibitions/symbols-australia/southern_cross>.

Fozdar, F., Spittles, B. & Hartley, L.K. 2015, 'Australia Day, flags on cars and Australian nationalism', Journal of Sociology, vol. 51, no. 2, pp. 317-36.

Hamacher, D.W. 2014, 'Are Supernovae Recorded in Indigenous Astronomical Traditions?', Journal of Astronomical History and Heritage, vol. 17, no. 2.

Johns, A. 2017, 'Flagging white nationalism ‘after Cronulla’: from the beach to the net', Journal of Intercultural Studies, vol. 38, no. 3, pp. 349-64.

Johnston, L.F. 1953, Flags Act 1953 (Cth), Commonwealth Government Printer, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.foundingdocs.gov.au/scan-sid-193.html>.

Kwan, E. 2006, Flag and nation: Australians and their national flags since 1901, UNSW Press.

Martyman 2013, Australian Colonial Flag, Wikipedia, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Australian_Colonial_Flag.svg >.

Menzies, R. 1953, FLAGS BILL 1953, Canberra, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://historichansard.net/hofreps/1953/19531120_reps_20_hor2/#debate-18>.

National Museum of Australia, Eureka Stockade, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.nma.gov.au/defining-moments/resources/eureka-stockade>.

National Museum of Australia, Southern Cross, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.nma.gov.au/exhibitions/symbols-australia/southern_cross>.

Ngak, C. 2020, Stargaze, The Weather Channel, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://features.weather.com/stargaze/ >.

Northern Pictures 2015, Cronulla Riots: The Day That Shocked The Nation – Trailer, Video Recording, Vimeo, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://vimeo.com/140270347>.

Parker, M.K.L. 1905, The Euahlayi Tribe: a study of Aboriginal life in Australia, A Constable, Limited.

Potts, R. 2018, 'Film Review: We Don’t Need a Map', WILEY 111 RIVER ST, HOBOKEN 07030-5774, NJ USA.

Raffaello, C. 1854, 'The Eureka Stockade'.

Sydney Film Festival 2017, We Don't Need a Map – Opening Night Trailer – SFF 17, Video Recording, Youtube, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=34yhOtFUa6s>.

The Australian National Flag Association, THE NATIONAL COLONIAL FLAG FOR AUSTRALIA, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://www.anfa-national.org.au/australian-red-ensign/first-union-flag/national-colonial-flag/>.

The Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL FLAG, The Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, Canberra viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.pmc.gov.au/government/australian-national-flag>.

Yamaji Artists 2014, Collaborative painting from Aboriginal Yamaji Artists from Western Australia Square Kilometre Array,, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.skatelescope.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/collaborative-painting-YA.jpg>.

Yidumduma Harney, B. 2018, Milky Way star map, ABC News, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-01-15/milky-way-star-map/9331350>.

 

 

Example 2

Gallipoli -

a place of Australian pride halfway across the world

 

Encyclopaedia Britannica, World War I: Allied troops on the Gallipoli Peninsula

Gallipoli- a place of Australian pride halfway across the world

25^th April 1915

Image: (Anzac Portal n.d.) Silas, E. 1916, ‘The Last Assembly’- a sketch by ANZAC Ellis Silas  depicting the final meeting of his unit before the Landing on the Gallipoli peninsula, capturing and image of the ANZACs from Silas’ perspective young, naive and predominantly white.

 

25^th April 1915- the Landing

Image: (Anzac Portal n.d.) Silas, E. 1916, ‘The Landing’ - Ellis Silas re-creation of the Landing at Gallipoli, depicting the chaos and gunfire they were met with.

ANZAC (Australian New Zealand Army Core) soldiers landed on the shores of Gallipoli, faced with an immovable enemy and unforgiving terrain. By the time they retreated from Gallipoli there were eight thousand seven hundred Australian casualties and nineteen thousand four hundred individual injuries, accounting for nearly 50% of the Australian troops sent to the campaign. This image depicts the landing from the perspective of the ANZACs who experienced it, providing a valuable insight into the true human and personal cost of the war, beyond the narrative of bravery and mateship remembered within Australian mythos (Haltof 1993, Thomson 2019).

 

May 1915- Mateship on the Frontlines

Image: Denning, R. 1998 - Extract of Private Roy Denning’s letters to his mother

Private Roy Denning’s letters to his mother depict the strong sense of mateship and comradery felt by ANZAC soldiers fighting at Gallipoli. Gallipoli has long been considered the birthplace of Australia, the first chance for the young nation of prove itself in military combat and a platform for the pre-existing Australian values of mateship to be tested and proved on an international stage (Thomson 2019, Dyrenfurth 2015). Diary entries like these provide valuable insight into how comradery and fellowship became so intrinsically linked to the Australian identity. 

 

25^th April 1916 – The first Anzac Day

Image: ‘All Ready/ Anzac Day March’ 1928, p 11- A newspaper article about the first Anzac Day

A year after the landing on Gallipoli, the first Anzac Day was recognised as a day for remembrance, ensuring that the ANZACs ‘will live again’(‘All Ready/ Anzac Day March’ 1928) through ceremonies and traditions. The dawn service undertaken at 4:30am AEST in alignment with the specific landing time established Gallipoli’s connection to Australian national heritage, despite its separation by distance and time. However, this ‘united commemoration’ (‘All Ready/ Anzac Day March’ 1928) featured prayers for ‘King and nation’ and presented the ANZACs as exclusively white Christian men, despite the over eight hundred indigenous soldiers who are believed to have fought in the First World War (Wenham 2016). The exclusive nature of these ANZAC day commemorations reinforced the white ANZAC myth, and removed indigenous soldiers from the Australian national narrative (Wenham 2016).

 

25^th April 1985 – Naming of Anzac Cove

Image: Turkey, Australia come together for dedication’ 1985, p 15 - A newspaper article recounting the ceremonies at the newly names Anzac Cove’

In 1985 on Anzac Day the Turkish government recognised Anzac Cove as the official title of the part of the peninsula that the troops landed on. After the war, Gallipoli was viewed as ‘Australian holy ground’ (Ziino 2006, p 1) and concerns raised about the casualties left behind on ‘alien, non-Christian’ (Ziino 2006, p 2) soil led to attempts to gain control or agency over the land. While Turkish leaders gave words of praise to the ANZACs as early as 1935, Turkish nationalist justifiably resisted the commemoration of foreign soldiers that had died attempting to invade them (Jones 2016). While this ceremony failed to lay to rest the concerns of Turkish nationalists, it set at ease Australians long held anxieties by symbolically recognising the ANZACs claim on the land, without actually giving a foreign party agency over Turkish land (Ziino 2006, Jones 2016).

 

25^th April 2015- Gallipoli centenary

Image: Euronews (in English) 2015 – Video of the dawn service at Gallipoli to mark Anzac Day centenary

One hundred years after the ANZACs landed on Anzac Cove, centenary events were held across world to commemorate the lives lost at Gallipoli. While few deny the courage of men such as Ellis Silas and Roy Denning, the continual push to glorify Gallipoli as a defining moment in Australian history is seen by some as politically motivated– with the white ANZAC myth cultivated over the decades in the media and used to galvanise the national identity of colonial Australia (Thomson 2019, Lake 2010). Large government spending on centenary events and extensive media coverage of the proceedings supports this theory (Kaul 2018).  This pushback is seen within attempts being made to recognise all those who fought at Gallipoli, including indigenous soldiers (Wenham 2016). However, despite this criticism, the hegemonic narrative continues to persevere in the majority of news broadcasts, film and television - it was Gallipoli where Australia was born (Thomson 2019, Haltof 1993).

 

Reference List

Denning, R. 1998, My dear mother: a letter from a soldier after Gallipoli, 2^nd edn, Yass District Historical Society, New South Wales.

Dyrenfurth, N. 2015, Mateship: A Very Australian History, 1^st edn, Scribe Publications, Brunswick, Victoria.

Jones, A. 2016, ‘A Note on AtatUrk’s Words about Gallipoli’, History Australia, vol 2. No. 1, pp. 10/1-10/9.

Kaul C. 2018, ‘Gallipoli, Media and Commemorations During 2015: Select perspectives, Media History, vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 115-141.

Lake, M. 2010, "What Have You Done for Your Country?" What's Wrong with ANZAC?: The Militarisation of Australian History, UNSW Press, Sydney, pp. 11-35.

Haltof, M. 1993, ‘Gallipoli, mateship, and the construction of Australian Identity’, Journal of Popular Film & Television, vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 27-36.

Wenham, M. 2016, ‘"My own darling laddie". In search of George Wenham: an Aboriginal Anzac and the history of denial’, PhD thesis, University of Newcastle, NSW.

Nelson, H. 1997, ‘Gallipoli, Kokoda and the making of national identity’, Journal of Australian Studies, vol. 21, no. 53, pp. 157-169.

Thomson A. 2019, ‘Popular Gallipoli history and the representation of Australian military manhood’, History Australia, vol. 16, no. 3, pp. 518-533.

Ziino, B. 2006, ‘Who owns Gallipoli? Australia's Gallipoli anxieties 1915–2005’, Journal of Australian Studies, vol. 30, no. 88, pp. 1-12.

‘All Ready/ Anzac Day March’ 1928, The Sun, 24 April, p. 11

‘Turkey, Australia come together for dedication’, 1985, The Canberra Times, 26 April, p. 15

Anzac Portal n.d., Gallipoli diary and sketches by Signaller Ellis Silas, Australian Government Department of Veterans Affairs, viewed 10 April 2020, ≤https://anzacportal.dva.gov.au/wars-and-missions/ww1/where-australians-served/gallipoli/landing-anzac-cove/ellis-silas-diary-extracts≥

Euronews (in English) 2015, Dawn service at Gallipoli to mark ANZAC Day centenary, video recording, YouTube, viewed 8 April 2020, ≤https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BPF9Hjpgp-w≥

Encyclopaedia Britannica, World War I: Allied troops on the Gallipoli Peninsula, Viewed 8 April 2020 ≤https://www.britannica.com/topic/ANZAC≥

 

 

Example 3

Australia in the Pool

Dive into the story of how the pool became a symbolic site for Australia’s social, political and cultural histories.

Timeline

https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1pdjQlPyr3SU5r3lAPjWH- gC2oBlP4zS0f7WNoQhLXRk&font=PT&lang=en&hash_bookmark=true&initial_zoom=1

1819
The Bogey Hole is developed at Newcastle
Photo: The Bogey Hole pictured in 1953, expanded from its original size in 1819 (Hood 1953)

Newcastle’s Bogey Hole is one of the earliest colonial constructions in the area. Originally the Newcastle Commandant’s private baths, this ocean pool was developed by excavating a natural rockpool, likely using convict labour. Early colonial pools were hewn from the coast as a ‘safe- enough’ alternative to the perils of swimming in the open sea, making swimming more accessible in the process (McDermott 2012).

The colonists’ appropriation of the word ‘bogey’ from a Dharawal word meaning ‘to bathe’ suggests an early awareness of the swimming skills and practices of the local Aboriginal people (McDermott 2012; Stronach, Adair & Maxwell 2019).

19 August 1911
“Is Mixed Bathing Immodest?”
Photo: The ladies’ baths at Wollongong (Ladies Baths, Wollongong n.d.; Flodin n.d.)

Swimming was mainly gender segregated until the mid-twentieth century, either through the allocation of separate ladies’ baths or the designation of separate bathing times, usually brief and in the evening (Scott 2019, p. 86). Modesty was the main concern for middle-class Australians, as illustrated by a 1911 Barrier Miner article in which the Archbishop of Sydney described mixed bathing as ‘offensive’ because it attracted ‘idle onlookers’ ('Is mixed bathing immodest?' 1911).
The consensus, however, was that swimming was a healthy pastime – especially in a coastal city like Sydney – and some women vocally advocated for better swimming provisions for women ('A plea for ladies’ swimming baths' 1891).

1920s & 1930s
The Rise of the Seaside Pool
Photo: A postcard of Geelong’s Eastern Beach (Pratt 1939, cited in Lewi & Phillips 2013, p. 285)

The implementation of a National Fitness Movement continued to foster Australia’s swimming prowess, with hundreds of outdoor pools built in the 1920s and 1930s, modelled after the British lido (Lewi & Phillips 2013, p. 282). These pools helped to modernise the coast for locals and tourists alike, and were venues in international sporting events like the Empire Games, helping raise Australia’s profile as a swimming nation (Lewi & Phillips 2013, p. 285).

1950s & 1960s
“Populate or Perish”: Municipal pools proliferate post-war

After the second world war, a plethora of municipal pools were built across the nation. In the 1950s and 1960s, around 120 pools were built in Victoria alone, demonstrating their popularity in communities (McShane 2009, p. 200; Scott 2019). As immigration policy aimed to ‘populate or perish’, municipal pools became part of the social infrastructure helping to strengthen Australian communities (McShane 2009).

16 February 1965
Freedom Riders protest segregated pools
Photo: (Clockwise from top) The Tribune covers the protest at Moree ('Students’ report will shock' 1965); Charles Perkins and a group of children swim at the Moree pool (Curthoys 1965); the Freedom Ride protest at Kempsey (Sydney Morning Herald 2008).

In 1965 Charles Perkins led a student activist tour of regional NSW, inspired by the Freedom Rides of the US Civil Rights movement. The Freedom Riders held protests at Moree and Kempsey; at the former, the council had recently reaffirmed a bylaw barring Aboriginal people from the local pool ('Students’ report will shock' 1965). The protest brought the ‘defacto segregation’ of Aboriginal people into focus ahead of the 1967 referendum and highlighted the social and political symbolism of the municipal pool (McShane 2009; Scott 2019; Stronach, Adair & Maxwell 2019).

2004
Aheda Zanetti invents the burqini
Photo: An advertisement for the Ahiida burqini shows a woman wearing the burqini in front of a swimming pool, with the words ‘freedom’, ‘flexibility’ and ‘confidence’ overlaying the image (Burqini Swimwear 2010)

Recognising the lack of swimwear options for Muslim women, Aheda Zanetti designed a modest swimsuit called the burqini. The garment garnered attention after the 2005 Cronulla riots, when Zanetti worked with Surf Life Saving Australia to design a modest uniform option for lifesavers (Taylor 2016). Despite international controversies, the invention and commercial success of the burqini points to an inclusive shift in Australia’s swimming culture (Zanetti 2016).

 

References

Burqini Swimwear 2010, Burqini advertisement, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.burqini.com/images/burqini-swimwear-freedom-flexibility-confidence.jpg>.

Curthoys, A. 1965, Charles Perkins with a group of Aboriginal children including Dan Munro, Alwyn Duke, Paul Ravenau and Wayne Nean, in the spa baths at the Moree Artesian Baths., The Guardian, viewed 11 April 2020, <https://www.theguardian.com/australia- news/gallery/2020/feb/21/freedom-ride-1965-protesters-challenge-ban-on-aboriginal- people-at-moree-pool-in-pictures>.

Flodin, S. n.d., Ladies Baths, Wollongong, Wollongong City Libraries, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://wollongong.spydus.com/cgi- bin/spydus.exe/FULL/WPAC/BIBENQ/6671566/17540200,1>.

Hood, S. 1953, The Bogey Hole, State Library of NSW, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://archival.sl.nsw.gov.au/Details/archive/110025184>.

'Is mixed bathing immodest?' 1911, Barrier Miner, 19 August 1911, p. 5, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article45161587>.

Ladies Baths, Wollongong n.d., Wollongong City Libraries, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://wollongong.spydus.com/cgi- bin/spydus.exe/FULL/WPAC/BIBENQ/6671641/17541691,1>.

Lewi, H. & Phillips, C. 2013, 'Immersed at the water's edge: modern British and Australian seaside pools as sites of ‘Good living’', arq: Architectural Research Quarterly, vol. 17, no. 3-4, pp. 281-91.

McDermott, M.-L. 2012, 'Wet, wild and convivial: past, present and future contributions of Australia’s ocean pools to surf, beach, pool and body cultures and recreational coasts'.

McShane, I. 2009, 'The past and future of local swimming pools', Journal of Australian Studies, vol. 33, no. 2, pp. 195-208.

'A plea for ladies’ swimming baths' 1891, Sydney Morning Herald, 18 February 1891, p. 8, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article13814481>.

Scott, G. 2019, 'Aqua profonda: On national passtimes', Overland, no. 234, pp. 86-93.
Stronach, M., Adair, D. & Maxwell, H. 2019, '‘Djabooly-djabooly: why don’t they swim?’: the ebb

and flow of water in the lives of Australian Aboriginal women', Annals of Leisure Research,

vol. 22, no. 3, pp. 286-304.
'Students’ report will shock' 1965, Tribune, 24 February, viewed 5 April 2020,

<http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article236347752>.
Sydney Morning Herald 2008, Members of the 1965 Freedom Ride protest outside McElhone

Memorial Pool in Kempsey, Getty Images, viewed April 11 2020, <https://www.gettyimages.dk/detail/news-photo/members-of-the-1965-freedom-ride- protest-outside-mcelhone-news-photo/117898510>.

Taylor, A. 2016, 'The surprising Australian origin story of the burkini', The Sydney Morning Herald, 19 August, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.smh.com.au/lifestyle/fashion/the- surprising-australian-origin-story-of-the-burkini-20160818-gqvdu9.html>.

Zanetti, A. 2016, 'I created the burkini to give women freedom, not to take it away', The Guardian, 24 August, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://liberalstudiesguides.ca/wp- content/uploads/sites/2/2017/02/Zanetti-I-created-the-burkini-to-give-women-freedom- not-to-take-it-away.pdf>.

 

Example 4

Bondi Beach

https://cdn.knightlab.com/libs/timeline3/latest/embed/index.html?source=1BgjT1mhKBz35dDi mMl_1Uf32Sl1R2IRHIlLSxNoOxTw&font=Fjalla-Average&lang=en&initial_zoom=2&height=650

4000 years ago - Indigenous people at Bondi

The name ‘Bondi’ is derived from the local Indigenous word ‘boondi’, which means the sound of waves breaking on the beach (ASA 2011). Prior to colonisation and the dispossession of land, Aboriginal people fished the waters of Port Jackson and surrounding waterways. Seafood was a substantial part of their diet and fishing an important cultural activity, with different roles/fishing methods for different genders. The abundance and diversity of marine life in the area meant that overfishing was not a problem until colonists arrived, bringing with them new fishing technology and increased population (Colley & Attenbrow 2012). Rock carvings at multiple sites around Bondi depict various marine animals including sharks, whales, fish, turtles and dolphins, as well as human figures. These carvings were first described in the late 1880s and are estimated to be approximately 4000 years old, though they were ‘regrooved’ by Waverly Council in 1964 (Attenbrow 2010).

Media: An image from the Sydney Morning Herald on 9 February 1933, describing the council's decision to establish a fence around Aboriginal rock carvings at Bondi ('Aboriginal rock carvings on Bondi cliffs' 1933)

1841-1907 - Bondi as picnic grounds

Before swimming or surfing, the Bondi reserve was most popular as a picnic spot, allowing Sydneysiders the chance to escape the city and enjoy the ‘wild’ outdoors (‘Bondi’ 1900). Defined by decorum and gentility, picnicking was an exclusive and culturally significant act. Cameron White claims ‘the picnic was a staged commercial, nostalgic middle-class rendition of the victory of the white presence over the bush frontier’ (White 2003, pp. 102-3). When surf-bathing became popular, complaints of indecency regarding swimming attire mainly came from male picnickers, usually seen to be defending the sensibilities of women (White 2003). This begins a long a history of Bondi Beach as a site of both defining an ideal Australian identity and defending perceived threats to it.

Media: Bondi Bay, Sydney (King 1895)

1907 – The birth of a eugenic national identity: the surf-lifesaver

In 1907 there was a sharp turn in the perception of surf-bathers. Debates surrounding decency continued, but were overtaken by the emergence of a heroic, masculine national identity. As the beach became a symbol of vitality, its virtues manifested in the ‘athletic, muscular, handsome, healthy and, above all, decent middle-class boys and men’ found on the Bondi shores (White 2003, p. 106). This eugenic-inspired culture was exemplified in the figure of the surf lifesaver (Rodwell 1999). In 1907, Bondi Surf Bathers' Life Saving Club was officially formed. The club members were all men, and surf livesavers were heralded as ‘the very highest class’ of Australian... ‘envied by all men, adored by all women’ (Russell quoted in Booth 2001, p. 39).

Media: An image from an article in Australian Town and Country Journal on 24 April 1907, depicting members of Bondi Surf-Bathers' Life-Saving Club ('Bondi Surf-Bathers’ Life-Saving Club' 1907)

1940-1960s – The bikini wars

Throughout the mid 20th century, council bylaws regulated the ‘decency’ of bathing costumes. As more revealing styles became popular, beach inspectors at Bondi regularly sent women off the beach for being too scantily clad. Most famously, in 1951, American actress Jean Parker was asked to leave the beach for wearing a polka dot bikini, and the incident made international headlines ('Bikini Caused Ripples From Bondi To New York' 1951). Motions to decriminalise modern beachwear often cited that ‘only girls with a good figure’ can ‘get away’ with wearing bikinis. Such laws not only policed women’s bodies, but also non-white and migrant bodies, with one Waverly councilman declaring ‘Existing laws were specially necessary to keep New Australian surfers in check’ ('Bondi Bikini ban to stay' 1951).

Media: In this clip from 1961, an ABC reporter asks people on the street if bikinis should be banned. He then moves down to Bondi Beach and poses the same question to people there. At the end of the clip, the woman wearing a bikini he is speaking to is apprehended by a beach inspector (ABC News In-depth 2017).

2020 – Backpacker central and Bondi Rescue

Today, Bondi’s iconic status makes it popular with tourists, and it hosts an enclave of young backpackers who live and work in the area. While they do contribute significantly to the economy, social tensions exist between the backpackers and the local residents/businesses/council (Wilson, Richards & MacDonnell 2008). These tensions often arise over disruptive behaviours, which often occur on the beach. Backpackers regularly draw the ire of the Bondi lifeguards and are featured on the Bondi Rescue TV show. This show follows the (all white, all male) troupe of Bondi lifeguards, who exemplify not only the heroic national identity by rescuing swimmers and educating a global audience on surf hazards (Warton & Brander 2017), but also Australian larrikin culture with their quirky nicknames and playful demeanour.

Media: In this episode of Bondi Rescue, a large group of Dutch backpackers cause problems for the Bondi lifeguards on New Years Day (Bondi Rescue 2016).

 

References

ABC News In-depth 2017, Should the bikini be banned? (1961) | RetroFocus, videorecording, Youtube, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M-m4w_mAxWA>.

‘Aboriginal rock carvings on Bondi cliffs’ 1933, Sydney Morning Herald, 9 February, p. 12, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article16951500>.

Anthropological Society of Australasia 2011, New South Wales native place names, 1899-1903, State Library New South Wales, viewed 9 April 2020, <http://digital.sl.nsw.gov.au/delivery/DeliveryManagerServlet?dps_pid=FL456121>.

ASA – see Anthropological Society of Australasia

Attenbrow, V. 2010, Sydney's Aboriginal past: investigating the archaeological and historical records, UNSW Press, Sydney.

‘Bikini Caused Ripples From Bondi To New York’ 1951, Truth, 4 November, p. 3, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article167972415>.

Bober, M. 2019, Bondi Beach, Sydney, Australia, Unsplash, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://unsplash.com/photos/V5-gGQrPk_4>.

‘Bondi Bikini ban to stay’ 1951, Daily Telegraph, 15 December, p. 9, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article248700717>.

Bondi Rescue 2016, Bondi Rescue – Season 9 Episode 5, videorecording, Youtube, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eMTbPsvayPM>.

‘Bondi Surf-Bathers’ Life-Saving Club’ 1907, Australian Town and Country Journal, 24 April, p. 27, viewed 10 April 2020, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article71591658>.

‘Bondi’ 1900, Sydney Morning Herald, 2 October, p. 6, viewed 9 April 2020, <http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article14363820>.

Booth, D. 2001, Australian beach cultures: the history of sun, sand, and surf, Frank Cass, London.

Colley, S. & Attenbrow, V. 2012, 'Does technology make a difference? Aboriginal and colonial fishing in Port Jackson, New South Wales', Archaeology in Oceania, vol. 47, no. 2, pp. 69- 77.

King, H. 1895, Bondi Bay, Sydney, National Library of Australia, viewed 10 April 2020, <https://nla.gov.au/nla.obj-137196501/view>.

Rodwell, G. 1999, '‘The sense of victorious struggle’: The eugenic dynamic in Australian popular surf‐culture, 1900‐50', Journal of Australian Studies, vol. 23, no. 62, pp. 56-63.

Warton, N.M. & Brander, R.W. 2017, 'Improving tourist beach safety awareness: The benefits of watching Bondi Rescue', Tourism Management, vol. 63, pp. 187-200.

White, C. 2003, 'Picnicking, surf‐bathing and middle‐class morality on the beach in the eastern suburbs of Sydney, 1811‐1912', Journal of Australian Studies, vol. 27, no. 80, pp. 101-10.

Wilson, J., Richards, G. & MacDonnell, I. 2008, 'Intra-community tensions in backpacker enclaves: Sydney’s Bondi Beach', Backpacker tourism: Concepts and profiles, pp. 199-214.